苏珊·西尔贝

• 1:美国麻省理工学院

摘要(Abstract)：

学界提出“法律意识”(legal consciousness)这一理论概念,使它成为一个经验研究议题,是为了解决“法律霸权”(legal hegemony)的问题,特别是“在‘书本上的法’和‘行动中的法’间的差距持续存在的情况下,法律何以维持其制度性权力(institutional power)”的问题。人们为什么会顺服(acquiesce)~((1))这样一个法律体系:它虽然承诺平等待人,却系统性地再生产出不平等?近期的研究既扩张了,亦窄化了“法律意识”的概念边界,同时在相当程度上牺牲了它的理论效用与批判锋芒。这些研究只是描述了某些个体的思考和行动,并未解释人们不同的法律经验如何被整合为一套广为流传的图式(schemas)和惯习。由于研究者常常未能阐明意识与意识形态及霸权的运作之间的联系,“法律意识”这一分析性概念遭到了驯化,仅被用于实现一种政策式的目的:使特定的法律条文更好地为某些群体或某种利益服务。

关键词(KeyWords)： 意识形态;霸权;日常生活

Abstract:

Keywords:

基金项目(Foundation):

作者(Author): 苏珊·西尔贝

参考文献(References)：

• (1)此处将acquiesce译作“顺服”,而非更为常见的“默许”,是因为“默许”意指“经过思考后,有意识地选择容许”。本文指出,人们对法律之权威的接纳常常是未经思考的、无须论证的,与“默许”之意有所抵牾,故以“顺服”译之。原文其他地方以类似方式使用acquiesce一词时,译法亦同。——译者注
• (1)我交替使用“法律与社会”和“社会—法律研究”这两个术语。尽管“社会—法律研究”一词最初在欧洲更常见,但它如今在美国也变得越来越普及了。
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• (1)See Henri Lefebvre,Everyday Life in the Modern World,Harper Torchbooks,1968;Henri Lefebvre,Critique of Everyday Life,Verso,1991;Alfred Schutz and Thomas Luckmann,The Structures of the Life-World,Northwestern University Press,1989;Carlo Ginzburg,The Cheese and the Johns Hopkins University Press,1980.对社会—法律研究未能批判性地考察日常生活的新近批评,参见Mariana Valverde,"Which Side Are You On?"Uses of the Everyday in Sociolegal Scholarship,26 Political and Legal Anthropology Review 86(2003)。
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• (1)See Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels,The German Ideology,Lawrence&Wishart,1970;Antonio Gramsci,Selections from the Prison Notebooks,Quintin Hoare and Geoffrey Nowell Smith eds.,International Publishers,1999.
• (2)本文中所有粗体与斜体均为原文所加。——译者注
• (3)See David C.Chaney,The Cultural Turn:Scene-Setting Essays on Contemporary Cultural History,Routledge,1994.
• (1)在原文中,“rule of law”有两种含义:一种指向通常意义的“法治”,用于形容某一社会注重规则、依法行事;另一种则旨在强调法律对社会生活的规范作用至高无上,压倒了其他类型的社会规范,取得了统治性——甚至是霸权性——的地位。本文将前一种含义译为“法治”,后一种含义译为“法律之治”,以示区别。——译者注
• (2)John Comaroff and Jean Comaroff,Of Revelation and Revolution,Volumel.:Christianity,Colonialism,and Consciousness in South Africa University of Chicago Press,1991,p.17.
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• (1)See Ann Swidler,Culture in Action:Symbols and Strategies,51 American Sociological Review 273(1986).在此类研究最出色的成果中,“文化”乃是一种将“人类行动中有意义的部分从具体的互动之流中抽象出来”的分析性术语……“这种抽象”以分析为目的,能够将符号对人类行为的影响与人口、地理、生物、技术、经济等因素区分开;在某一特定的行动序列中,以上诸种因素总是混杂在一起的”(Sewell 1999,p.4)(应为原书第44页——译者注)。尤为重要的是,此种文化概念拒不承认文化是统一的、静态的或普遍共享的,较之仅聚焦于语言的做法更进了一步。早期研究将“文化”视作社会生活的一个侧面,对这一概念的运用方式相当多样。它被用来指代一切人造的(习惯、信仰、技艺和工艺品)、从一代传到另一代的事物,其中又主要指后天习得的行为,与自然或生理机能所要求的行为相区别。在这种表述中,“文化”不仅与“自然”之间泾渭分明,而且有能力将一个社会与另一个社会区分开来。更狭义的“文化”则被用于指代专事符号和意义生产的特定社会制度之集合。举例而言,这一用法中的“文化制度”涵盖了艺术、音乐、戏剧、时尚、文学、宗教、媒体和教育制度。第一种定义过于宽泛,几乎包纳了所有的人类生活;第二种定义又过于具体,忽视了那些经由其他制度或“非文化”的生活领域生产且能够流通的意义(Silbey 2001;参见Ginzburg 1976)。当代文化理论和文化分析超越了上述定义:虽然文化资源通常是离散的、在地化的,而且总是被用于特定的、各不相同的,有时甚至是相互矛盾的目的,但我们仍能在人们对文化资源的使用中观察到某种模式,从而允许我们谈论“一种文化”,或“一个文化系统”。“符号之所以能够用于沟通交流,是因为它们相互之间存在着结构上的关系:它们均是同一系统的一部分。相似地,一个文化系统亦无法独立于连续的实践而存在:后者能将文化具体化,实现文化的再生产,或者,更有趣地,使文化发生转变”(Sewell 1999,p.47)。
• (2)在使用“微观社会交往”这个短语时,我无意暗示一种微观与宏观视角之间过分严格的二元对立。正如布尔迪厄(Pierre Bourdieu)在1990年所说:“如果你站得太近,你便只能望见树木,却看不见森林。”我们必须始终留意社会空间,亦即“你站在何处见你所见”。
• (3)Karl Marx,The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte,International Publishers,1963.
• (1)See Herbert M.Kritzer and Susan S.Silbey eds.,In Litigation:Do the'Haves'Still Come Out Ahead,Stanford University Press,2003.
• (1)John Comaroff and Jean Comaroff,Of Revelation and Revolution:Christianity,Colonialism,and Consciousness in South Africa University of Chicago Press,1991,p.18.
• (2)See John Comaroff and Jean Comaroff,Of Revelation and Revolution:Christianity Colonialism and Consciousness in South Africa,University of Chicago Press,1991,pp.23-24.See Pierre Bourdieu,Outline of a Theory of Practice,trans.Richard Nice,Cambridge University Press,1977,p.167.
• (3)在原文中,根据语境的不同,legal forms既可能指代法律在人们面前的呈现方式(如交通线或购物票据),也可能指代法律这一事物的特点或规则(如“法律不可能只为特定阶级所用”)。我将前者译作“法律的表现形式”,后者译作“法律的形式”,以示区别。——译者注
• (1)See Howard Gillman,The Votes that Counted:How the Court Decided the 2000 Presidential Election,University of Chicago Press,2001.
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• (1)法律事物(objects)、法律符号、法律表现形式、法律规则和法律裁断被理解为一种特殊的事实:“法律事实”(legal fact)。通过将这两个单词合二为一,我们造出了“legalfact”一词,希望强调法律程序在事实——“法律事实”——建构中的基础性作用。换言之,法学(jurisprudence)的核心要义是“真相仅能通过特定的法律程序创造出来”。相应地,在此一主张之下,经验事实与“法律事实”之间的关联至多也不过是一种用于估测或创造法律事实的工具。
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• (1)John Comaroff and Jean Comaroff,Of Revelation and Revolution:Christianity Colonialism,and Consciousness in South Africa University of Chicago Press,1991,pp.24,28.
• (2)See Patricia Ewick and Susan S.Silbey,The Common Place of Law:Stories from Everyday Life,University of Chicago Press,1998.
• (1)David M.Trubek,Where the Action Is:Critical Legal Studies and Empiricism,26 Stanford Law Review 575(1984),p.592.
• (2)Sally Engle Merry,Concepts of Law and Justice Among Working-Class Americans,9Legal Studies Forum 59(1985).
• (3)Sally Engle Merry,Getting Justice and Getting Even:Legal Consciousness Among Working-Class Americans,University of Chicago Press,1990,p.5.
• (4)Michael W.McCann,Rights at Work:Pay Equity Reform and the Politics of Legal Mobilization,University of Chicago Press,1994,p.7.
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• (1)See John E.Carlin et al.,Civil Justice and the Poor:Issues for Sociological Research,1Law&Society Review 9(1966);Leon Mayhew and Albert J.Reiss,Jr.The Social Organization of Legal Contacts,34 American Sociological Review 309(1969);Marsha Silberman,The Civil Justice Process,Academic Press,1985;Leonard H.Goodman and Sarah Sanborne,The Legal Needs of the Poor in New Jersey:A Preliminary Report,National Social Science and Law Center,1986.
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• (1)See Marc Galanter,Why the'Haves'Come Out Ahead:Speculations on the Limits of Legal Change,9 Law&Society Review 95(1974).
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• (4)“不满”被定义为一次争端的起点,是指某人认为自己(或某个团体/组织)有权获得某种资源,而能否得到该资源则由他人决定的情形(Ladinsky&Susmilch,1981,p.5)。
• (5)See Richard E.Miller and Austin Sarat,Grievances,Claims,and Disputes:Assessing the Adversary Culture,15 Law&Society Review 525(1980-1981),p.552.
• (1)See Michael V.McGuire and Herbert Edelhertz,Consumer Abuse of Older Americans:Victimization and Remedial Action in Two Metropolitan Areas,in Gilbert Geis and Ezra Stotland(eds.),White Collar Crime:Theory and Research,SAGE Publications,1980,pp.266-292;Jack Ladinsky and Charles Susmilch,The Processing of Consumer Disputes in a Metropolitan Setting(paper presented at the Meeting of the Midwest Political Science Association,Chicago,1981);Susan S.Silbey,Who Speaks for the Consumer?,9 American Bar Foundation Research Journal429(1984).
• (2)See Stuart A.Scheingold,The Politics of Rights,Yale University Press,1974,pp.78-79.
• (3)See Kenneth M.Dolbeare,Trial Courts in Urban Politics:State Trial Court Policy Impact and Functions in a Local Political System,Wiley,1967.
• (1)See Jonathan D.Casper et al.,Procedural Justice in Felony Cases,22 Law&Society Review 483(1988);E.Allan Lind and Tom R.Tyler,The Social Psychology of Procedural Justice,Plenum Press,1988;Robert J.MacCoun and Tom R.Tyler,The Basis of Citizens'Perceptions of the Crimina Jury 12 Law and Human Behavior 333(1988);Tom R.Tyler,Why People Obey the Law:Procedural Justice,Legitimacy and Compliance,Yale University Press,1990;Tom R.Tyler et al.,Social Justice in a Diverse Society,Westview Press,1997;Tom R.Tyler and Yuen J.Huo,Trust in the Law,Russell Sage Foundation,2002.
• (1)Austin Sarat,Access to Justice:Citizen Participation and the American Legal Order,in Leon Lipson and Stanton Wheeler eds.,Law and the Social Sciences,Russell Sage Foundation,1987,p.539.
• (2)Austin Sarat,Access to Justice:Citizen Participation and the American Legal Order,in Leon Lipson and Stanton Wheeler eds.,Law and the Social Sciences,Russell Sage Foundation,1987,p.539.
• (1)Jerome E.Carlin,Jan Howard and Sheldon L.Messinger,Civil Justice and the Poor:Issues for Sociological Research,1 Law&Society Review 9(1966),p.71.
• (2)Jerome E.Carlin,Jan Howard and Sheldon L.Messinger,Civil Justice and the Poor:Issues for Sociological Research,1 Law&Society Review 9(1966),p.71.
• (3)See Sally Engle Merry and Susan S.Silbey,What Do Plaintiffs Want:Reexamining the Concept of Dispute,9 Justice System Journal 151(1984).
• (1)Sally Engle Merry and Susan S.Silbey,What Do Plaintiffs Want:Reexamining the Concept of Dispute,9 Justice System Journal 151(1984).
• (2)See Stewart Macaulay,Non-Contractual Relations in Business:A Preliminary Study,28American Sociological Review 55(1963).
• (3)Sally Engle Merry and Susan S.Silbey,What Do Plaintiffs Want:Reexamining the Concept of Dispute,9 Justice System Journal 151(1984).
• (4)See David M.Engel,The Oven Bird's Song:Insiders,Outsiders,and Personal Injuries in an American Community,18 Law&Society Review 551(1984).
• (5)See Carol J.Greenhouse,Praying for Justice:Faith,Order,and Community in an American Town,Cornell University Press,1986.
• (1)See Kristin Bumiller,The Civil Rights Society:The Social Construction of Victims,Johns Hopkins University Press,1988.
• (2)戈夫曼(1963)使用“双重偏差(double deviance)”一词来形容那些因某个不名誉的特征而遭到污名化,随后又未能扮演好被指定之污名角色的个体。双重性或许是边缘阶层不得不承受的特殊负担之一。参见杜波依斯关于双重意识体验(experience of dual consciousness)的论述:W.E.B.Du Bois,The Souls of Black Folk,McClurg,1999(1903).
• (3)See Sally Engle Merry and Susan S.Silbey,What Do Plaintiffs Want:Reexamining the Concept of Dispute,9 Justice System Journal 151(1984);Sally Engle Merry,Getting Justice and Getting Even:Legal Consciousness Among Working-Class Americans,University of Chicago Press,1990.
• (1)Sally Engle Merry,Getting Justice and Getting Even:Legal Consciousness Among Working-Class Americans,University of Chicago Press,1990.
• (2)See John M.Conley and William O'Barr,Rules Versus Relationships:The Ethnography of Legal Discourse,University of Chicago Press,1990;Barbara Yngvesson,Virtuous Citizens,Disruptive Subjects:Order and Complaint in a New England Court,Routledge,1993.
• (3)See Jethro K.Lieberman,The Litigious Society,Basic Books,1981.
• (4)See Richard L.Abel,A Comparative Theory of Dispute Institutions in Society,8 Law&Society Review 217(1974).
• (1)E.P.Thompson,Whigs and Hunters:The Origin of the Black Act,Pantheon Books,1975,p.262.
• (1)See Douglas Hay,Property,Authority and the Criminal Law,in Douglas Hay et al.eds.,Albion's Fatal Tree:Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England Pantheon Books,1975,pp.17-63.
• (2)E.P.Thompson,Whigs and Hunters:The Origin of the Black Act,Pantheon Books,1975,p.262.
• (3)Douglas Hay,Property,Authority and the Criminal Law,in Douglas Hay et al.eds.,Albion's Fatal Tree:Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England,Pantheon Books,1975,p.106.
• (1)Douglas Hay,Property,Authority and the Criminal Law,in Douglas Hay et al.(eds.),Albion's Fatal Tree:Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England,Pantheon Books,1975,pp.17-63.
• (2)William Paley,转引自Hay 1975,p.108。
• (3)Douglas Hay,Property,Authority and the Criminal Law,in Douglas Hay et al.(eds.),Albion's Fatal Tree:Crime and Society in Eighteenth-Century England,Pantheon Books,1975,p.109.
• (1)See??mile Durkheim,The Elementary Forms of Religious Life,Free Press,1965;Peter L.Berger,The Sacred Canopy:Elements of a Sociological Theory of Religion,Doubleday,1967.
• (2)??mile Durkheim,The Elementary Forms of R